美国人为什么不能容忍中国崛起
美国为什么不能容忍中国崛起?为什么它把中国崛起直接解读为中国威胁?
Now, why couldn't America tolerate the rise of China? Why does it immediately translate China's rise into the China threat?
要解答这个问题,我们必须要了解一个帝国主义大国的心理,尤其是美国。
And here, we have to, I think, understand the psychology of an imperial power, and the United States in particular.
美国在一个相当长的历史时期,几个世纪以来,一直保持着一种上升的势头。从1945年开始,他们一直拥有压倒性的全球霸权。
You see, the Americans are extraordinarily over a very long historical period, centuries, have always been on the rise. And since 1945, they've been overwhelmingly global hegemonic.
美国天下第一,这是刻在一些美国人骨子里的一种想法。不仅仅是总统和国会议员这么想,许多普通美国人也对此深信不疑。
The idea that America is number one is part of the American DNA. It's not just the presidents and the congressmen and so on who believe this. This is deeply imbued, I think, in the average Americans.

他们认为自己是最好的,他们必须是头儿。他们不能被别人指挥,他们不会被别人比下去。
The Americans think they are best; the Americans think they have to be top dogs. They're not going to be bossed around by anyone else. They're not going to be rivaled by anyone else.
当然,现实可不是这样。从历史上看,没有任何一个国家可以永保第一。想想中国——百年的屈辱,曾经的地位被取而代之。英国也是如此。美国也将会是这样。
Now, of course, the reality is rather different, historically speaking, because no country can ever expect to be number one forever. Think of China, the century of humiliation – China was displaced. And so this was the case with Britain, and so on. And this will be the case with the United States.

美国经济的相对下滑大概是从80年代左右开始的。但美国一直不承认,时至今日也不承认。一个美国总统如果说:“我们正在衰退而且无法逆转,我们必须调整自己去适应一个全新的世界。”这无异于自杀。美国还没有做好接受这种论调的准备。
America's relative economic decline probably starts around the 1980s. But the Americans have basically been in denial of this. Even to this day, they're largely in denial. It would be suicide for an American president to say: "We are in decline, and we cannot change that situation. We have to accommodate ourselves to a new world." Americans are not ready for this kind of argument.
那么美国对中国这个威胁作何反应?从本质上讲,美国的反应是攻击中国,想办法增加中国崛起的难度。如果有可能的话,阻止中国的崛起。如果不行,至少阻挠中国的崛起。所以特朗普当上总统后没过多久贸易战就开始了。
So what was the American response to China as a threat? Essentially, the American response was an assault against China, to find a way of making China's rise more difficult. To prevent China's rise, if possible. If not, at least obstruct China's rise. And so after Trump becomes president, you see, after a short while, the beginning of the trade war.
在贸易战之后,或者说在贸易战 、科技战的同时,对中国的态度愈发尖锐粗暴。你能看到他们在各个方面对中国进行攻击。
And then after the trade war, or alongside the trade war, the tech war and steadily as the acrimonious and abrasive approach to China developed, you see actions to be taken against China on all sorts of different fronts.
美中新“冷战”与美苏冷战有三点不同
我想说的是,也许可以把现在世界所处的形势,以及美国和中国之间的关系称为新“冷战”。
I would argue now, I think probably it would be appropriate to call the situation that the world is now in, and the relationship between the United States and China, as a new "Cold War".
但我们用“冷战”这个词,并不代表我们要把现在的情况与美苏冷战混为一谈。有三个根本区别。
But just because we use the term "Cold War" doesn't mean we should confuse or conflate this "Cold War" with the one between United States and the Soviet Union. There are three fundamental differences between them.
第一个区别是,美国和苏联所处的和所拥有的是两个完全不同的经济世界。双方永不产生接触,他们拥有两个不同的国际体系。一个是属于美国的,另一个是属于苏联的。
The first is that the United States and the Soviet Union lived and occupied two entirely different economic worlds. Never the twain shall meet – they just had two different international systems, one belonging to the United States, the other to the Soviet Union.
中国的情况当然不是这样,中国与全球经济高度融合。其实在某些方面,中国与全球经济的融合程度比美国还要高。比如贸易,同为进出口贸易国,中国要比美国重要得多。
Now, of course, this is not the situation with China. China is hugely integrated with the global economy. Indeed, I would argue that in some respects, it's more integrated with the global economy than is true of the United States. I mean, take for one thing, trade. China is a much more important trading nation, exporting and importing, than the United States.
无论美国说什么,无论特朗普政府想做什么,他们都无法将中国从全球经济中剥离出去。他们可能会尝试这样做,但在我看来他们不会走到那一步。
Now, whatever the American say, whatever the Trump administration would like to do, they will not be able to exile China from the global economy. They can go about it, but they won't get that far in my view.
他们无法将中国从全球经济中剔除,中国实在是太重要了,与全球经济一体化程度太高了,它与众多国家的关系太密切了,不可能被剔除出去。
They can't take China out of the global economy. It is simply too important; it is too integrated; its relations with so many countries around the world are too advanced for that to happen.

第二点,苏联在经济方面从来都不是美国的对手。顶多只有美国经济规模的60%左右,可能还不到,只有大约一半。
My second point is the Soviet Union was never an economic pair or equal of the United States. At most it had maybe 60% of the size of the American economy, probably less, probably more like half.
但中国不是这样的,2014年中国按购买力平价方法计算,经济规模就已经赶超美国了。
Now, you cannot say that of China. China, already in 2014 as we've seen, had overtaken the size of the American economy, measured by primary purchasing power, GDP.
人们普遍预计在未来几年内,也许是五年,一部分取决于疫情的影响,以国内生产总值的另一个衡量标准,也就是以美元为单位来计算,中国的经济规模将超过美国。
Now, it is generally expected that within the next few years, maybe five years, depends partly on the impact of the pandemic, that China will overtake the United States by the other measure of GDP, which is in dollar terms.
如果我们把时间范围再扩大一点,到2030年前后,全球经济大概是这样的:
And if we extend the time horizon a bit further, you'll see the picture of the global economy by roughly 2030.

这些数字只是预测,不是事实。但你能从中感受到,到2030年,中国可以占到全球生产总值的三分之一。到那时,它的经济规模将达到美国的两倍。按照这个标准,中国的经济规模要比美国大20%。
Now all these figures are obviously projection so they're not facts. But you'll see, it gives you some idea, that by 2030 China could account for one third of global GDP, by which time it will be something like twice the size of the American economy, already by this measure, by the way, it is 20% bigger than the American economy.

所以,中国经济的崛起十分强大,而且根基很深。它在许多不同的领域都显示了实力,当然也包括科技。
So, you know, the rise of China economically is formidable. And it is deeply embedded. And it is showing its ability to perform in many different areas, including, of course, technology.
第三点,苏联在对美关系中犯了一个根本性的错误,那就是军备竞赛。它试图在军事上与美国竞争,投入了大量资金,浪费了许多资源,这是一种灾难性的做法。
The third point I would make is that the Soviet Union made a fundamental mistake in its relationship with the United States. And that was the arms race. It tried to compete militarily with the United States. And it spent so much money, wasted such resources, a disastrous approach.
中国不会犯这种错误。中国不像美国或苏联那样强调军事。中国更加重视经济的发展。
China won't make that mistake. China doesn't emphasize the military in a way that, for example, the United States does, or the Soviet Union did. China's approach is the fundamental importance of the economy.
【本篇未完】
美国为什么不能容忍中国崛起?为什么它把中国崛起直接解读为中国威胁?
Now, why couldn't America tolerate the rise of China? Why does it immediately translate China's rise into the China threat?
要解答这个问题,我们必须要了解一个帝国主义大国的心理,尤其是美国。
And here, we have to, I think, understand the psychology of an imperial power, and the United States in particular.
美国在一个相当长的历史时期,几个世纪以来,一直保持着一种上升的势头。从1945年开始,他们一直拥有压倒性的全球霸权。
You see, the Americans are extraordinarily over a very long historical period, centuries, have always been on the rise. And since 1945, they've been overwhelmingly global hegemonic.
美国天下第一,这是刻在一些美国人骨子里的一种想法。不仅仅是总统和国会议员这么想,许多普通美国人也对此深信不疑。
The idea that America is number one is part of the American DNA. It's not just the presidents and the congressmen and so on who believe this. This is deeply imbued, I think, in the average Americans.

他们认为自己是最好的,他们必须是头儿。他们不能被别人指挥,他们不会被别人比下去。
The Americans think they are best; the Americans think they have to be top dogs. They're not going to be bossed around by anyone else. They're not going to be rivaled by anyone else.
当然,现实可不是这样。从历史上看,没有任何一个国家可以永保第一。想想中国——百年的屈辱,曾经的地位被取而代之。英国也是如此。美国也将会是这样。
Now, of course, the reality is rather different, historically speaking, because no country can ever expect to be number one forever. Think of China, the century of humiliation – China was displaced. And so this was the case with Britain, and so on. And this will be the case with the United States.

美国经济的相对下滑大概是从80年代左右开始的。但美国一直不承认,时至今日也不承认。一个美国总统如果说:“我们正在衰退而且无法逆转,我们必须调整自己去适应一个全新的世界。”这无异于自杀。美国还没有做好接受这种论调的准备。
America's relative economic decline probably starts around the 1980s. But the Americans have basically been in denial of this. Even to this day, they're largely in denial. It would be suicide for an American president to say: "We are in decline, and we cannot change that situation. We have to accommodate ourselves to a new world." Americans are not ready for this kind of argument.
那么美国对中国这个威胁作何反应?从本质上讲,美国的反应是攻击中国,想办法增加中国崛起的难度。如果有可能的话,阻止中国的崛起。如果不行,至少阻挠中国的崛起。所以特朗普当上总统后没过多久贸易战就开始了。
So what was the American response to China as a threat? Essentially, the American response was an assault against China, to find a way of making China's rise more difficult. To prevent China's rise, if possible. If not, at least obstruct China's rise. And so after Trump becomes president, you see, after a short while, the beginning of the trade war.
在贸易战之后,或者说在贸易战 、科技战的同时,对中国的态度愈发尖锐粗暴。你能看到他们在各个方面对中国进行攻击。
And then after the trade war, or alongside the trade war, the tech war and steadily as the acrimonious and abrasive approach to China developed, you see actions to be taken against China on all sorts of different fronts.
美中新“冷战”与美苏冷战有三点不同
我想说的是,也许可以把现在世界所处的形势,以及美国和中国之间的关系称为新“冷战”。
I would argue now, I think probably it would be appropriate to call the situation that the world is now in, and the relationship between the United States and China, as a new "Cold War".
但我们用“冷战”这个词,并不代表我们要把现在的情况与美苏冷战混为一谈。有三个根本区别。
But just because we use the term "Cold War" doesn't mean we should confuse or conflate this "Cold War" with the one between United States and the Soviet Union. There are three fundamental differences between them.
第一个区别是,美国和苏联所处的和所拥有的是两个完全不同的经济世界。双方永不产生接触,他们拥有两个不同的国际体系。一个是属于美国的,另一个是属于苏联的。
The first is that the United States and the Soviet Union lived and occupied two entirely different economic worlds. Never the twain shall meet – they just had two different international systems, one belonging to the United States, the other to the Soviet Union.
中国的情况当然不是这样,中国与全球经济高度融合。其实在某些方面,中国与全球经济的融合程度比美国还要高。比如贸易,同为进出口贸易国,中国要比美国重要得多。
Now, of course, this is not the situation with China. China is hugely integrated with the global economy. Indeed, I would argue that in some respects, it's more integrated with the global economy than is true of the United States. I mean, take for one thing, trade. China is a much more important trading nation, exporting and importing, than the United States.
无论美国说什么,无论特朗普政府想做什么,他们都无法将中国从全球经济中剥离出去。他们可能会尝试这样做,但在我看来他们不会走到那一步。
Now, whatever the American say, whatever the Trump administration would like to do, they will not be able to exile China from the global economy. They can go about it, but they won't get that far in my view.
他们无法将中国从全球经济中剔除,中国实在是太重要了,与全球经济一体化程度太高了,它与众多国家的关系太密切了,不可能被剔除出去。
They can't take China out of the global economy. It is simply too important; it is too integrated; its relations with so many countries around the world are too advanced for that to happen.

第二点,苏联在经济方面从来都不是美国的对手。顶多只有美国经济规模的60%左右,可能还不到,只有大约一半。
My second point is the Soviet Union was never an economic pair or equal of the United States. At most it had maybe 60% of the size of the American economy, probably less, probably more like half.
但中国不是这样的,2014年中国按购买力平价方法计算,经济规模就已经赶超美国了。
Now, you cannot say that of China. China, already in 2014 as we've seen, had overtaken the size of the American economy, measured by primary purchasing power, GDP.
人们普遍预计在未来几年内,也许是五年,一部分取决于疫情的影响,以国内生产总值的另一个衡量标准,也就是以美元为单位来计算,中国的经济规模将超过美国。
Now, it is generally expected that within the next few years, maybe five years, depends partly on the impact of the pandemic, that China will overtake the United States by the other measure of GDP, which is in dollar terms.
如果我们把时间范围再扩大一点,到2030年前后,全球经济大概是这样的:
And if we extend the time horizon a bit further, you'll see the picture of the global economy by roughly 2030.

这些数字只是预测,不是事实。但你能从中感受到,到2030年,中国可以占到全球生产总值的三分之一。到那时,它的经济规模将达到美国的两倍。按照这个标准,中国的经济规模要比美国大20%。
Now all these figures are obviously projection so they're not facts. But you'll see, it gives you some idea, that by 2030 China could account for one third of global GDP, by which time it will be something like twice the size of the American economy, already by this measure, by the way, it is 20% bigger than the American economy.

所以,中国经济的崛起十分强大,而且根基很深。它在许多不同的领域都显示了实力,当然也包括科技。
So, you know, the rise of China economically is formidable. And it is deeply embedded. And it is showing its ability to perform in many different areas, including, of course, technology.
第三点,苏联在对美关系中犯了一个根本性的错误,那就是军备竞赛。它试图在军事上与美国竞争,投入了大量资金,浪费了许多资源,这是一种灾难性的做法。
The third point I would make is that the Soviet Union made a fundamental mistake in its relationship with the United States. And that was the arms race. It tried to compete militarily with the United States. And it spent so much money, wasted such resources, a disastrous approach.
中国不会犯这种错误。中国不像美国或苏联那样强调军事。中国更加重视经济的发展。
China won't make that mistake. China doesn't emphasize the military in a way that, for example, the United States does, or the Soviet Union did. China's approach is the fundamental importance of the economy.
【本篇未完】